This is an omnibus post about various events and publications of interest. I will be adding material over the next 24 hours. Many of you, of course, won’t be able to attend the events but you may be interested to see what is going on.
National Thai Studies Centre events at ANU
The National Thai Studies Centre has announced a series of upcoming events. I will post more details as they come to hand.
August will be a busy month for analysis of Thailand politics. It will commence on 6 August, with a presentation by Professor Vitit Muntarbhorn, of the Law Faculty at Chulalongkorn University, talking on “Human Rights Governance Under Thailand’s New Constitution”. Professor Vitit is a leading academic lawyer, who has written extensively on legal affairs in academic publications and the media, particularly in the area of human rights. He has served in various capacities in the United Nations system, including as Special Rapporteur on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography (1990-1994) and is currently Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. (The NTSC is pleased to acknowledge the support of the Australia-Thailand Institute for this address.)
On 13 August Professor Chaiwat Satha-Anand will speak on “Untying the Gordian Knot? The Difficulties in Solving Southern Violence”. Professor Chaiwat is from the Faculty of Political Science at Thammasat University, and a highly regarded expert in the areas of peace studies and conflict resolution. He was the principle writer for the recent report by the independent National Reconciliation Commission recommending policies to help overcome violence in the south.
This year’s Update Conference will be held at University House, ANU on 31 August. Its theme this year is “Thailand’s Twin Crises: Restoring Democracy and Violence in the South”. Academics from Thailand and Australia will address both these critical issues.
Shan music’s captive audience
This looks like a fascinating seminar.
Amporn Jirattikorn.
PhD Candidate in Anthropology at the University of Texas at Austin
Pop Music, Migrants, Prisoners and the Notion of Exile of the Shan in Thailand
3rd of August at 3pm
Milgate Room
AD Hope Buiding.
Australian National University
My project draws on eighteen months of ethnographic work with the Shan migrant community in Chiang Mai, Thailand. I focus in my research the relationship between transnational media texts and a condition of exile/displacement, examining how they combine to influence, shape, and condition new social identities. In terms of media texts, I look at Shan popular music and the VCDs and cassettes used to disseminate it as primarily cultural forms that spill across Burma’s borders and are consumed widely by Shans living Thailand. In terms of displacement, I discuss two different forms of displacements: migrant workers and exile prisoners who migrate to seek work in the new land but end it up in jail for drug offences. In exploring how displacement and deterritorialization shape the social construction of identity, I trace the very meanings Shan migrants and
prisoners are able to give to their own lives and fortunes through popular music. I show how music play an important role in re-imagining national community at a deterritorialized, unordinary transnational level. Comparison of the prisoners and the migrant workers’s interpretation and engagement to popular culture reveal differences in the meanings that people ascribed to national and ethnic identity, to notions of home and homeland, and to exile as an experienced condition.
Lao linguistics seminar
‘The big ones swallow the small ones.’ Or do they? Code switching practices in the ethnic minority classrooms of the Lao PDR.
Friday 3 August 3.30-5.00pm
Languages & Linguistics Seminar Series
W1.08 Baldessin Building (Faculty of Asian Studies)
The Australian National University
Angela Cincotta
Doctoral Candidate
Southeast Asia Centre
Faculty of Asian Studies
The Lao People’s Democratic Republic is one of the most ethnically and linguistically diverse nations in Southeast Asia. The post-1975 Communist government has touted as its hallmark discourses of interethnic equality and solidarity, yet government policies simultaneously articulate a discourse of ethnic Lao centrality. This research identifies official discourses on ethnicity, language and education in the Lao PDR and investigates how these discourses are reproduced, adapted or contested by the language practices of teachers and students in ethnic minority primary school classrooms. The research was carried out in Nalae district, Luang Nam Tha Province in north-western Laos as part of the author’s doctoral programme. The presentation will provide an overview of the research, then focus on classroom code switching practices between Lao and the Kmhmu language, and their relationship to the State’s conceptual hierarchy of cultures and languages.
Southern Thailand publication
Rebellion in Southern Thailand: Contending Histories by Thanet Aphornsuvan (2007), 90 pages. Co-published by East-West Center Washington and Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. For further details and to order, click here.
This study addresses the competing histories of Thailand and Patani beginning in the fourteenth century up to the mid-twentieth century. It provides an explanation of the causes of ongoing political conflict between the Malay Muslims in the three southernmost provinces of Thailand and the Thai government, against which “separatist” movements fought in the 1960s. Even though January 2004 marked the beginning of the current violence that now plagues Thailand’s south, most people in and outside the area still believe that the nature of such conflict is internal and could be resolved peacefully. The major contention in the competing histories of Siam and Patani revolves around national policies that resulted in discrimination and destruction of the Muslim’s cultural identity and rights. In the early twentieth century under the rule of King Chulalongkorn, which was characterized by centralization and cultural suppression, Patani was reduced to a mere province. Further forced assimilation occurred under the Phibun government in the 1940s, at which time Islamic practices and the use of the Yawi language were curbed. The sources of political conflict–including the political status of Patani, ethnic identity, Bangkok politics, and bureaucratic misconduct in the south–have historical roots. Understanding and appreciation of each other’s culture and ethno-religious identities could lead to positive political will on both sides for peaceful resolution of the conflict.
Sufficiency logic?
Last week there was a seminar on Thailand’s Sufficiency Economy in the Age of Globalisation: Logic, Dynamics and Implications at the Institute of Security and International Studies at Chulalongkorn University. If anyone has any reports on the seminar please post your comments. The advertised participants were:
Dr. Kobsak Pootrakool
Senior Economist, Monetary Policy Group
The Bank of Thailand
Dr. Sooksan Kantabutra
Assistant Professor, College of Management
Mahidol University
Dr. Kazi Matin
Lead Economist, World Bank Office Bangkok
Professor Danny Unger
Department of Political Science
Northern Illinois University, USA
Dr. Peter Bell
Associate Professor of Economics
State University of New York, USA
Moderator
Dr. Thitinan Pongsudhirak
Director
Institute of Security and International Studies
Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University










4 responses so far ↓
1 Andrew Walker // Aug 3, 2007 at 7:28 pm
Here are the full details of the seminar by Professor Vitit Muntarbhorn
Human Rights Governance Under Thailand’s New Constitution
Professor Vitit Muntarbhorn
Venue: Sparke Helmore Law Theatre 1
Date: Monday 6 August, 2007 12:30-2.00
On 6 July Thailand’s appointed Constitution Drafting Assembly unanimously endorsed a new draft constitution. Nineteen million copies are currently being distributed to all households in Thailand, and a national referendum follows on 19 August. The draft does have vocal critics, but approval is generally expected. The 1997 constitution, scrapped after the military coup on 19 September 2006, was Thailand’s most progressive ever in guaranteeing protection of human rights. How does the new constitution compare with this? And how successful is it likely to be in guaranteeing actual enforcement of human rights?
Professor Vitit, from the Law Faculty at Chulalongkorn University, is one of Thailand’s foremost legal academics. He has written extensively in academic publications and the media, particularly in the area of human rights. He has also served in various capacities with the United Nations, including as Special Rapporteur on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography (1990-1994), and currently as Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
2 Cow Prince // Aug 3, 2007 at 8:01 pm
มาตรา 23
ในกรณีที่ราชบัลลังก์หากว่างลงและเ็ป็นกรณีที่
พระมหากษัตริย์ได้ทรงแต่งตั้งพระรัชทายาทไว้
ตามกฎมณเฑียรบาลว่าด้วยการสืบราชสันตติวงศ์
พระพุทธศักราช 2467 แล้ว ให้คณะรัฐมนตรีแจ้งให้ประธานรัฐสภาทราบ และให้ประธานรัฐสภาเรียกประชุมรัฐสภาเพื่อรับทราบ และให้ประธานรัฐสภาอัญเชิญองค์พระรัชทายาทขึ้น
ทรงราชย์เป็นพระมหากษัตริย์สืบไป แล้วให้ประธานรัฐสภาประกาศให้ประชาชนทราบ
ในกรณีที่ราชบัลลังก์หากว่างลงและเป็นกรณี
ที่พระมหากษัตริย์มิได้ทรงแต่งตั้งพระรัชทายาท
ไว้ตามวรรคหนึ่ง ให้คณะองคมนตรี
เสนอพระนาม ผู้สืบราชสันตติวงศ์
ตามมาตรา 22 ต่อคณะรัฐมนตรีเพื่อเสนอต่อรัฐสภาเพื่อรัฐสภาให้ความเห็นชอบ ในการนี้จะเสนอพระนามพระราชธิดาก็ได้ เมื่อรัฐสภาให้ความเห็นชอบแล้ว ให้ประธานรัฐสภาอัญเชิญองค์ผู้สืบราชสันตติวงศ์ขึ้น
ทรงราชย์เป็นพระมหากษัตริย์สืบไป แล้วให้ประธานรัฐสภาประกาศให้ประชาชนทราบ
ในระหว่างที่สภาผู้แทนราษฎรสิ้นอายุหรือ
สภาผู้แทนราษฎรถูกยุบให้วุฒิสภาทำหน้า
ที่รัฐสภาในการรับทราบตามวรรคหนึ่งหรือให้
ความเห็นชอบตามวรรคสอง
3 Republican // Aug 4, 2007 at 1:18 pm
What is it with the National Thai Studies Centre? At the very moment that the Thai state bureaucracy is shamelessly campaigning in favour of the Constitution they invite a lawyer academic who appears to have no qualms supporting a Constitution that has been delivered to the Thai people by royalist tanks and guns and promoted amidst an atmosphere of state censorship. They could have invited Worajet or Piyabutr or any number of other law academics who have courageously expressed their opposition to the Constitution. And who wrote the blurb for the seminar? Why have they highlighted the Constitution’s supposed concern for “human rights” and said nothing about the atmosphere of censorship and intimidation in which the referendum will take place? Doesn’t the NTSC have any idea of what is happening in Thailand now? Or have they deliberately chosen to side with the royalist dictatorship? I’m not sure which is worse.
4 Republican // Aug 4, 2007 at 2:38 pm
The whole concept of “human rights” in Thailand is a joke, when Thais are forbidden for criticizing the king’s endorsement of the overthrow of a democratically-elected government, his solid support for the military junta, his manipulation of the judiciary, and all his other interventions in the political process, because of the lese majeste law and the Constitutional provisions forbidding criticism of the monarchy. This Constitution, which retains these provisions, is designed purely to strengthen the ratchakan state’s control of the political process and to weaken the influence of the politicians – the true political representatives of the people. None of this could have been possible without the king’s “sacred” support – which no-one is allowed to criticize.
If one has any understanding of the liberal tradition out of which human rights discourse emerged, and one would hope that Vitit does, one would know that one of the most fundamental human rights is freedom of speech – including the freedom to criticize. This fundamental human right has never been granted to Thais. Give Thais the right to criticize the monarchy and it would never again dare support the overthrow of an elected government and instalment of a military dictatorship – which has violated so many human rights over the last year. The whole edifice of military and bureaucratic control over Thailand would crumble without the protection it receives from the monarchy, and at last a democratic system, accountable to the people, would finally be allowed to emerge, which in itself would be the best guarantee of human rights.
Unless Thais have the right to criticize the monarchy, and in so doing finally reveal its poisonous influence over the entire Thai polity, “democracy” and “human rights” are meaningless, except as noble-sounding words uttered in seminar rooms by morally self-righteous academics.
(I hope my NM friends (if I have any?) can put this to Vitit, softening Republican’s harsh, bludgeoning tone if necessary.)
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