The Bangkok Post reports that the community forest bill, a long-time rallying cause for activist academics and NGOs in Thailand, has finally been passed:
The long-awaited Community Forest Bill sailed through the National Legislative Assembly (NLA) yesterday by 57-2 votes with one abstention. The passing of the bill, which combines one proposed by the Natural Resources and Environment Ministry and one by the civic sector, followed a debate lasting more than seven hours. The bill accepts the legal right of forest communities to preserve and manage forest land surrounding their communities. However, activists expressed disappointment, saying the bill does not actually benefit forest dwellers. Yesterday’s debate concentrated on two contentious articles. Article 25 lays down the qualifications of a community to be eligible to obtain rights to manage and use protected forest, while Article 34 stipulates the rights of the community. The bill limits community rights to original forest dwellers with strict guidelines for the use of protected forest. By limiting eligibility to original dwellers _ those who have lived in the forest for at least 10 years before the bill is promulgated _ the law excludes about 20,000 communities scattered on the rim of protected forests countrywide. Former permanent secretary for natural resources and environment Petipong Pungbun na Ayudhaya said that while local communities should have the right to manage natural resources, the process should go step by step. ”We are going to transfer natural resources management from the state to the people. Isn’t it too fast?” he said during the debate. ”If we want to have it that fast, we have to prepare for negative impacts. In fact, those living on the rim of protected forests can use the forests. There is no need to grant them legal rights.” The bill passed its first reading in the House in 2001, under the first Thaksin Shinawatra administration. But the Senate objected to key provisions. The bill was then delayed after the Senate’s term expired. … Tuenjai Deetes told the assembly that the bill should recognise the rights of people who have ”a good record in keeping the forest”. “Please understand that over 20,000 villages will help protect over 30 million rai of forest,” she said. ”We should not ignore them. If we do, it means the community forest law means nothing to them.” Pirote Polpetch, a community rights activist, expressed his disappointment with the approved bill which, he said, breaches Article 66 of the constitution that recognises community rights in natural resources management. He said activists were considering filing a complaint with the Constitution Court, or collecting over 10,000 signatures to push for the amendment of the law.
As I stated on New Mandala in September last year, I am very skeptical about the alleged benefits of the community forest law. A copy of a paper I wrote on the issue in 2004 can be found here. My key concern is that the community forest bill does nothing about the uncertain status of agricultural land in forest reserve areas. Giving local communities a role in forest protection is all very well, but the much more pressing livelihood and human rights issue is to give them secure tenure over their agricultural land. I don’t have access to the provisions of the bill just passed but I suspect that it will make the situation of many of these farmers even more insecure. Here is an extract from my paper:
But what is the status of agricultural land within the proposed community forest framework? This is a crucially important question given that … there are large areas of agricultural land located within forest reserve areas on which tenure rights are ill defined and uncertain. What will the proposed community forest legislation do to enhance the security of farmers working these ambiguous lands? What sort of land use does the community forest bill seek to endorse and facilitate? Surprisingly, given the fundamental and oft-repeated claim that people and forests can and do co-exist – the basic claim that has underlain the community forest movement – at no point does the proposed legislation state that agriculture is a legitimate activity within community forest boundaries. Indeed Article 34 of the proposed legislation [note that here I am referring to the so-called "people's version" of the bill] specifically forbids anyone to ‘control land, farm, live in, build, burn, clear, lop, gather or do anything else that would cause destruction to the forest in the community forest area’. In Article 64 this prohibition is backed by a sanction of five years’ imprisonment, or 15 years if the offence takes place in a conservation area of the community forest. The legislation does make provision for ‘zones for use’ but the Thai term used here (kaan chay sooy) usually implies, in discussions of forest management, collection of forest products rather than agricultural activity.
This interpretation would suggest that the proposed community forest legislation would offer no enhanced security for farmers whose agricultural lands lie in the ambiguous zones of forest reserves. The formal status of their fields would not change and the mismatch between formal land classification and actual land use would be unresolved. Despite all the claims about community forest legislation providing a basis for sustainable and secure upland livelihood, the central elements of this livelihood – agriculture and rights to agricultural land – have no clear place within the proposed legislative framework. It is ironic that while official versions of the bill that restrict access to forest products are vigorously condemned as amounting to a denial of the livelihoods of upland villagers (Anon, n.d.) the fact that all versions of the bill are silent about agriculture has passed largely without comment. Indeed, the possibility that community forest legislation may make the tenure of some farmers even more insecure must be considered. Already there is some evidence, anecdotal and other, that owners of upland fields in a number of villages are being ‘encouraged’ to restrict or shift their cultivation in order to maintain the integrity and strategic promotional value of locally declared community forests. … Numerous writers have also reported situations where ‘community forestry’ has been used as a tool to pressure farmers from neighbouring villages out of disputed hinterland areas, and this must be acknowledged as a key part of the ‘tradition’ of community forest management in northern Thailand.
If anyone has further details on the version of the bill which has just been passed, or perspectives on the bill that a different to mine, please make your contribution here.










4 responses so far ↓
1 Sidh S. // Nov 23, 2007 at 5:19 pm
As an occasional follower of events, it sounds like things are getting pretty complex!
What are the status of current forest conservation laws with the Community Forest Bill’s passage?
How will the roles of the Forest Department and various communities be negotiated?
How does this relate to the controversial SorPorKor4-01 land reform which is designed to give land tenureship to farmers on ‘deteriorated’ forests lands?
This looks like a very big tangle which I hope the next government seriously addresses (potential deja vu for the Democrats!?)
2 jonfernquest // Nov 23, 2007 at 6:04 pm
Thanks. Your paper is a good resource for anyone trying to tie the new law down to the very untransparent reality on the ground, for example the reality in Chiang Rai province both among Thai communities and hill tribe villages.
How does this law affect hill tribes? They don’t seem to be mentioned at all. Does anyone know where there is a Thai language version of the bill online?
3 Keith Barney // Nov 24, 2007 at 3:34 am
Andrew:
Hopefully this is not quibbling over details. But just wondering: “20,000 communities scattered on the rim of protected forests countrywide”. Does this refer to communities located inside National Forest Reserve? And any idea where this number comes from, or how reliable it is?
In my 2005 report “At the Supply Edge: Thailand’s Forest Policies, Plantation Sector and Commodity Export Links with China”, I wrote:
“There are varying estimates of the actual number of farmers living within National Reserve Forests without full tenure rights. Most observers place the number between 5 and 10 million, although Mahannop (2002) places the number at 12 million and Lohmann (1995) places estimates as high as 15 million. Vandergeest (1996) suggests that 1 million households (5-6 million people) had moved into forest reserves by 1982, implying that between 20 and 30 percent of all Thai farmers were thus working land that was officially demarcated as forest reserve.”
With 20,000 communities, if you assume 50 households per community and 5 members per household, this comes to about 5 million residents.
If you assume 100 households per community you get 10 million residents.
So I assume that these 20,000 excluded households mentioned above refer to those living in Forest Reserves. But it would be interesting to know how this number was generated. Sometimes population numbers get repeated often enough they become accepted, even though they might be based on rather tenuous assumptions.
Secondly, it seems to me that many households would have moved into Protected Forest or 1A Watershed Forest areas prior to the “promulgation” (i.e. dissemination of the first draft?) of the Community Forest Bill. The first draft of the bill was tabled in 1990. So that means if your “community” (everyone?) moved into the present location, (inside Protected Forest), prior to 1980, the community is “eligible to obtain rights to manage and use protected forest.”
I wonder how are the authorities going to adjudicate whether a specific community moved into a particular protected area in e.g. 1979, or 1981? What if some households moved in during 1979, but many others followed in 1981? What if the forest in question was legally declared a Protected Forest after 1980? (how many Protected Forests or 1A Watershed might that apply to?)
While representing a kind of a step forward, this “10 year before CFB promulgation rule” seems like it may add a new layer of confusion and potential dispute about historical settlement and claims, into an already Byzantine situation with legal forest-land tenure in Thailand.
It does not seem to address the longstanding concerns of residents and communities located in Forest Reserve territory.
And, as you argue Andrew, it does not seem to address the question of permanent upland agriculture being conducted inside Protected Areas, which can lead to other unintended problems, insofar as this can be unreflective of local concerns and actual practices.
The devil is in the details…. (as well as in the invariably uneven application of those legal details)!
But perhaps there is room for more optimism regarding the Permanent Secretary’s “step by step” approach.
cheers,
Keith Barney
Toronto
4 Rin // Mar 2, 2009 at 12:44 pm
Andrew,
My foundation question is that what community forest means? I think the bill has distorted and monopolized its diverse meaning and practices in Thailand. Each actor have proposed and put their owned political meaning into the bill. You too, Andrew, put issue of land tenure issue into the Bill and caused more confusion. Your suggestions are right in the case of northern hill tribes issue, but other regions are different. Since every stakeholders who actually work in air-conditioned office have pushed their owned interests, I could say that the passing bill alienated to community forest practices on the ground. Have villagers who practically manage forest been given a chance to express their owned interests in this process? Whom/what we are represented for? Have we legitimized to speak for them? I think these questions have to be answered clearly before going to further discussion. It’s not too late to restart!
The bill has not been signed by the King, activists were filing their complaint to the Constitutional Court.
Surin
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