In the beginning
There are two key events that have changed the course of Malaysian history. The first was the attempted creation of the Malayan Union by the British colonialists. The second is the infamous May 13, 1969. Both are closely inter-twined as the first galvanised the different Malay communities in Peninsular Malaya (Malaya) to form the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) which spearheaded the fight against the Malayan Union and had the profound impact of predisposing Malaysia towards racial politics, which ultimately led to the May 13, 1969 race riots and the continuing conundrum Malaysia faces in race-relations (read here).
The British colonialists must also be held responsible for Malaysia’s race-based politics. In their attempts to protect British strategic and economic interests, they favoured Malaya’s capitalist elite who preferred the race based approach to politics against the more universal class based political parties which were seen as direct threats to British interests (read here).
What actually happened?
To date, there are two general accepted versions of what transpired. The official version, the government white paper, of May 13, provides what is now the mainstream view of the events (available here). The paper claims that the predominantly Malaysian Chinese opposition parties were infiltrated by communists elements and were the cause of the riots. It appears that the white paper also attempts to justify the race riots by arguing from a historical perspective, beginning with the Malayan Union to the existing conditions and issues affecting Malaya then that led to the race riots i.e. that the Malays were alienated in their own land.
This maybe considered biased as:
(i) it does not discuss the role that UMNO played in raising racial tensions, not only in Malaya but also in Singapore – who had experienced race riots earlier in 1964 (read here);
(ii) The fact that the Chinese majority opposition parties were involved in masterminding May 13 has not been proven. The white paper itself does not provide substantive evidence. Furthermore, the fact that the government used The Internal Securities Act (ISA) – which does not require bringing the accused to a court of law – against opposition leaders substantiates allegations that UMNO either masterminded May 13 or was taking advantage of it by deposing opposition leaders who at the 1969 general election had a real chance of forming government.
Dr. Kua Kia Soong’s, “Declassified Documents on the Malaysian riots of 1969” provides the other general view, which argues that UMNO played a key role in May 13 (read here and here). This has ofcourse has been challenged by many in UMNO. A general rebuttal (in a non-academic way) is represented by a blogger called Jebat Must Die (read here).
The truth may lie in between. Several eminent public intellectuals such as Emeritus Prof. Khoo Kay Kim attributes it to the prevailing conditions in Malaysia at that time. (read here, here and here).
However, one thing became very clear after May 13. Any attempt to challenge UMNO would be met with the strongest response – legitimately or illegitimately. May 13 established the concept of Malay supremacy through the blood of hundreds if not thousands of Malaysians, especially of Chinese heritage (Read here). This led to most non – Malays having no options but to accept UMNO hegemony (Ketuanan Melayu/Malay Supremacy) or leave Malaysia (read here). Many choose to migrate – a trend which has continued as a result of systematic discrimination against the non – Malays (read here and here).
The Democratic Action Party (DAP) which choose not to join the newly expanded Alliance – now called Barisan Nasional - and opted to remain as opposition. Being the largest opposition and with links to the PAP, the DAP became the natural target of UMNO and blame was placed on them systematically as the cause of May 13, 1969 (Read here). UMNO has since maintained 2/3 majority in Parliament – effectively changing the Constitution and system of government to suit its need.
UMNO/Malay supremacy continues but it is now challenged more by political parties dominated by Malays themselves, first by PAS (read here), then by Tengku Razaleigh and Semangat 46 in 1988 (read here) but most potently through Anwar Ibrahim after Reformasi in 1999 through PKR (read here).
Moving forward?
It is now 42 years since May 13 but it is never far from the minds of Malaysians as UMNO raises it time and again (read here ) to remind Malaysians that only UMNO can guarantee stability (read here and here).
Most Malaysians want to understand what actually happened, to discuss it in a civilised manner and to come to intelligent solutions that will remove the root causes that created the environment for this terrible incident.
Will UMNO allow this?
Here are some other worthwhile views on how Malaysia can move forward as a nation.
You might like to look at the Australian Army archives. I was serving with 1RAR, 28th Commonwealth Infantry Brigade during that period and we were not only on alert to move at 10 minutes notice to protect Australians in KL, but we also did the Australian Army riot drills whilst waiting.
Rather an interesting period.
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Thanks very much Roger,
We’ll do that.
What was it like in KL?
Which version do you think is true?
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In 1999, during the demonstrations in favour of Anwar against Mahathir, chinese journals drew a parallel between these and the race riots in 69. On the tile pages they had a pictute from the recent demonstrations side by side with pictures from 69. When I asked why what the reason for this was, the answer was quite simple. Whenever the Malaqy start to quarrel among themselves, sooner or later the Chinese (and Indians!) will suffer.
In 1969 a kind of basic socio-political consensus was established in Malaysia that firstly, the Malay will have special rights, and in turn the Chinese will be protected (to some degree). Secondly, that UMNO with the Barisan Nasional will guarantee this consensus. Tgis implies that UMNO will keep the Malay under control, so that the Chinese will nont be challenged. Since some years, UMNO faces the problem that it is less able to control the Malay and speak for them, and thereby might not be able to gurantee the consensus. I guess that UMNO currently faces the big problem to be more Malay and more Islamist then all competitors, to maintain its position as representatives of the Malay, but that this alienates the Chinese and Indians, so that Barisan Nasional can not claim to represent the nation.
In this framework the 1969 riots still are a rather sensible matter, just as the time from 2008 and 2010 will be for Thailand, or 1967 is for Indonesia.
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Your right hrk,
This elite ethnic bargaining with UMNO as the guarantor of “stability” has clearly been breached – through its own actions especially after the departure of Mahathir and also with the opposition coalition looking more credible at providing stability.
Wonder if what is happening in Thailand may spill over in Malaysia – of course with alienated Malays leading the charge?
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Dear Greg,
I would be sticking my neck out saying I was on either side at the time, but I certainly was not going to shoot the Chinese Malays if we had gone to KL. Fortunately, even though trucks were parked on the regimental parade ground, the order to move didn’t come, and so we stayed at Terandak Barracks.
At the time nearly all prosperous businesses in KL were run by Chinese Malays who worked very hard. Their children were all sent, at great personal expense, to the best schools they could afford. Most of them spoke Malay, Chinese and English. I honestly don’t think that Malaya would be where it is today without the Chinese Malays.
Even at Terandak Barracks (a sprawling, far flung outpost in the middle of nowhere) the Chinese Malays and to a lesser extent the Indians, ran everything. “The Strip” (I think it was called that), 1/2 a mile outside the barracks was also run by Chinese Malays. If you needed to buy a car, motorbike, watch, radio or howsyourfather at reasonable prices, you would talk to your friendly bar owner. None of the Australians would go to the NAAFI (the British equivalent of ASCO Australian Services Canteen Organisation)) as the prices were exorbitant. You could go to any bar, ask the owner where you could buy a new car and 5 minutes later he would have a relatives name, address and phone number (normally in KL), where cars could be bought tax free and shipped back to Australia at the end of the tour of duty. Much the same as Singapore when we moved to Changi Barracks.
The Australian Army Archives should have all the warning orders, movement orders and briefing papers.
Good luck, there are still many unanswered questions about the riots and tensions still simmer.
Roger
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Hai greg,
I have first hand experience of the racial riots, as I was brought up and was living in a Kampong, very close to Kuala Lumpur then. It is now part of Kuala Lumpur. I was also very very close to some special branch members. At that time (unlike now), the special branch concentrated on anti-insurgency work. Since the end of the “communist” problem, the branch has changed its emphasis to serious crimes and narcotics.
My family was informed of possible racial riots, a few hours before it happened. The main organiser was D’ Harun and it happened when it was shown that the DAP has won a majority in Selangor state. The whole thing was UMNO’s backup plan. Furthermore, UMNO also had a militant youth wing then – I believe they still have that wing now.
(People like Badawi etc were active leaders of that militant wing)
For the first few days, we were shielded from any attacks by our Malays neighbours, later this became untenable bcos, they came under pressure to “surrender” us. Our friends from special branch then moved us to a “safe” area.
Royal malay regiment soldiers were also involved with the killings, not just rioters. The police (who were pretty neutral then) finally sequested aid from Iban territorial army units to restore peace. (this part of the info came from the special branch officer who has since passed away)
Knowing that, I believe, it will always be a backup plan of UMNO to retain power at Federal level. Losing power in the states is a nuisance, but not fatal. The federation agreement and separation of powers between state and federal has long been ignored. There is also no institutionalised or formal agreement on the allocation of funds collected by the govt. This put all fiscal power in the hands of the federal govt.
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Roger, thanks for sharing your first hand experience at Terendak Barracks. My dad – Mr. Gracian Lopez – was a clerk (civilian) at the Terendak “camp” as he called it. I was born in Malacca in 1972 as my parents opted to stay in Malaysia after the British withdrew in spite of May 13 although they were offered citizenship of Britain or any Commonwealth country of choice.
My families own experience is limited as Malacca was not affected as deeply as Kuala Lumpur by the riots. This is also the very surprising part: that the riot was at its highest and most violent around the Kampung Baru/Kuala Lumpur area.
Neptunian, thanks very much for your personal insights too. I have met several Malaysians who migrated to Australia immediately after May 13, who shared their fears of being non-Malay at that time. I have also personally met two non – Malay police officers (one with the special branch and one patrol) who served during May 13 in Kuala Lumpur. Their stories are similar to those related by you i.e. that the Royal Malay Regiment was biased against non – Malays and stability was restored when the Sarawak Rangers were brought to KL.
They also noted various anomalies: that when non – Malay or mixed police patrols were doing the rounds, incidents of vandalism, rioting, killing, etc – were negligible but the converse would happen when all Malay patrols were doing the rounds.
The officer who was with the special branch noted that immediately after May 13 was under control, all non – Malay officers were asked to do a Jawi test. Of the 13 of them, 12 failed and were reassigned to various other government department of their choice.
I must say that I have yet to confirm this through proper research.
The number of Chinese who died compared to Malays suggests that it was not a level playing or fighting field. A similar strategy seem to be employed in the Kampung Medan incident, where the victims were Malaysians of Indian decent (read here).
Malaysia needs some sought of closure on this issue.
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Dear Roger,
1RAR, 28th Commonwealth Infantry Brigade – May 13th 1969
I am searching for information on the activity of the Brigade during the riots but since you have not provided a direct link, I haven’t had much luck. Here is a link I ‘ve found so far (Section-Race Riots): http://www.taylor.id.au/8%20RAR%20Submission.pdf
Thank you
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