Richard A. Ruth, In Buddha’s Company: Thai Soldiers in the Vietnam War. Honolulu, University of Hawai’i Press, 2011. x+275 pp.
From 1965 to 1972 Thailand aided the American war in Indochina by dispatching 37,644 military personnel to South Vietnam as part of the US State Department’s Free World Assistance Program. After America and South Korea, Thailand’s military contribution was the third largest of the Free World nations. The Queen’s Cobra Regiment, the first combat unit to arrive in 1967, was later supplemented by the Black Panther Division. Both units, located in the same area of operations between the port of Vung Tau and the US Air Force base at Bien Hoa, saw active combat, suffered casualties and fatalities, and killed many Vietnamese communist guerrillas. The aim of Richard Ruth’s study is to restore this forgotten episode in Southeast Asian military history and by doing so, to counter the prevailing historical interpretations of what took place.
At the outset he proposes two views of the Thai volunteer soldiers. According to some historians and to the anti-war movement, Thailand succumbed to pressure from the United States and contributed troops who were paid for by the American government to the tune of $50 million a year. The Thai troops were mercenaries, or so the argument goes, their base at Bearcat Camp a veritable American bubble where the rules of conduct and dominant culture were entirely American. The Americans provided logistical support, including daily rations that the Thais sometimes found inedible, and allowed the Thais to shop at the PX stores in South Vietnam where they could use their per diem and bonus pay to buy hi-fi stereos, colour televisions and other consumer goods. American trainers prepared the Thai troops for their tour of duty.
The contrasting view is that Thailand’s military rulers sent the troops for their own reasons. The Queen’s Cobra Regiment came into existence to serve Thai ends and was not merely a creature of American will. The Thai government at the time rested its claim to power on defence of the country against communist aggression. “I would be the armour that blocked this doctrine from coming into Thailand,” a Thai veteran tells Ruth proudly. Participation in the war ensured that Thailand would continue to receive economic and military aid from the USA, and the junta needed some popular political theatre depicting “shining knights in a dirty regional war” to camouflage the reality of its dictatorship. King Bhumibol’s attentiveness to wounded troops repatriated to Thailand and his attendance at cremation ceremonies for the fallen warriors bolstered the righteousness of the war cause at the time. The official monument to the country’s involvement in the Vietnam War, tucked away from public view at an army base in Kanchanaburi, epitomises the amnesia among the general public that now prevails about Thailand’s role in the conflict.
Ruth then proceeds to break down the mercenary vs. patriot dichotomy and demonstrate the ambiguities in the motivations and attitudes of the Thai soldiers. He leaves the regional security issue to one aside, and he does not broach the searching question of how large quantities of American economic and military aid might have affected the Thai political system by entrenching military guardianship of the national community. Instead, he produces a finely-grained social history of the self-selected group of Thai volunteer soldiers who volunteered for combat. The view of American trainers that the Viet Cong would tear the Thai troops to pieces proved wrong; in an early engagement, the Thais successfully defended their camp against a determined Viet Cong siege. Volunteers in the employ of Uncle Sam they might be, but they were able warriors on the battlefield too.
In their own self-image they were also merciful warriors who understood the South Vietnamese people better than the Americans with their awesome technology and enormous resources for fighting the war. The Thai soldiers developed a rapport with the Vietnamese, more so than with the Americans, because the people they encountered in rural areas were largely Southeast Asian farming folk like themselves. The similarities between Thai and Vietnamese cultures were recognizable. The Thai soldiers were sympathetic to the divided loyalties and apparent duplicity of the South Vietnamese they were defending, and they were sympathetic to the villagers caught in the middle of the conflict. South Vietnam was a feminine country for the Thai soldiers: Vietnamese husbands, sons and nephews had gone off to war, and the absence of these men made it possible for Thai soldiers to take their places as boyfriends, lovers, patrons, and saviours. Some soldiers even identified with the southern Vietnamese guerrillas. They could understand the decision of their enemy to take up arms against the Americans who had invaded and occupied their land. The Thai volunteers also did their part in civic action programs by rebuilding bomb-damaged village schools, operating mobile medical and dental clinics and providing relief for children affected by the war.
Against this empathy with Vietnam and the Vietnamese people ran other currents of feeling of apprehensiveness about dangers in the jungle and the need to protect themselves against snipers’ bullets and the foreign spiritual forces in an unfamiliar land. The trade in amulets and talismans was vigorous, and the double entendre in the book’s main title – the Buddha’s company as combat unit, and the Buddha’s company as protective guardian – makes the point eloquently. A taboo grew up around killing Vietnamese barking deer thought to be conduits to powerful spiritual forces that could harm the Thai soldiers if not treated compassionately. Ruth’s chapters on trading magic for modernity and fighting on the metaphysical landscapes of South Vietnam are especially strong.
One of the stereotypes that Ruth seeks to overturn is that of the Thai soldiers as traders first and as warriors second. Certainly there were war profiteers, opportunists, and hustlers, especially after the Black Panther Division arrived in 1968 and some soldiers became more audacious in their schemes for personal enrichment. Entrepreneurial skills allowed them to excel in dealings on the black market where the going exchange rate was one stereo or refrigerator for a kilogram or two of marijuana. There was also a vigorous trade in firearms (supplied by the Americans to the Thais) in exchange for drugs (supplied by the Thais to the Americans). Ruth argues that these images, prominent in non-Thai histories of the Vietnam War, overshadowed the many examples of valour on the battlefield, sacrifice and local knowledge contributed by the Thai troops.
Ruth’s account is all the more effective for its restraint, but you have to smile at some of the wackier incidents. In 1968 fifty Thai masseuses honoured soldiers returning injured from Vietnam by donating a full nights’ wages to the veterans. During a fashion show in aid of the soldiers some of the models hobbled out on crutches and in slings and bandages to express their empathy. Not all the injuries were combat-related. One soldier had a leg broken not in enemy action but when the PX door was slammed on him in a scrum of soldiers pushing to get inside. Thai soldiers hated waiting in line – “very un-Thai,” said one veteran. The risk to life and limb in order to do some serious shopping was evidently worth it. Alerted to incoming mortar fire, one soldier instinctively took off his flak jacket and threw it over the new stereo he had just bought form the PX.
The Thai army is poorly studied except for the officer corps and its political ambitions. In one sense, this is understandable. Army generals in uniform or ex-military men have been prime ministers in Thailand for over half the time since 1932. Thak Chaloemtiarana’s masterful Thailand: The Politics of Despotic Paternalism, reissued in 2007 by Cornell’s Southeast Asia Program with new material and a postscript, set a formidable standard of scholarship and is still cited. But in the three decades since the book’s original publication, political scientists, including Thai political scientists who follow military affairs, have stuck stubbornly to predictable paradigms about what seemed to matter: promotions to the upper echelons of the officer corps; solidarities, networks and rivalries among graduating classes of the military academy; the military budget and corruption; and strategic matters, terrorism and disputes with neighbouring countries. As tensions increase late in the ninth Bangkok reign, factions in the army affiliated with members of the royal family have become a favourite pastime for army watchers. In contrast, the infantry and its recruitment from rural youth, the impact of veterans on society once they returned home, the army’s role in economic development and civic action, and military education barely rate a mention in the mainstream scholarly literature.
After finishing the book, I was not certain that Ruth had completely dispelled the “mercenary” label. In any case, he has succeeded in humanising the rank and file volunteer soldiers and probing their memories at a historical moment when Thai military leaders have reinstalled themselves at the centre of power for half a decade. He inhabits the soldiers’ world and conveys their experiences, their prejudices, fears and religious beliefs, their indulgences and pleasures, and their interactions with a neighbouring Southeast Asian people treated as an adversary in Thai textbooks. The beauty of this timely book is that it brings to the surface martial themes that have been forgotten as the decades have passed since the 1975 communist victories in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam. Dialogue from the interviews and other novelistic touches add colour, and the absence of academic jargon and theory make this an eminently readable book that one hopes will pioneer future revisionist studies of militarism in the Land of Smiles.
Reviewed by Craig J. Reynolds
Published originally on New Mandala, 9 June 2011

Not a bad review, but not entirely free of errors.
1. Around 60,000 Australians served in South Vietnam, rather more than the number of Thai troops deployed.
2. The Black Panther Division did not supplement the Queen’s Cobra Regiment in 1968, it replaced it.
3. On its return to Thailand in 1971, the Black Panther Division became the 9th Infantry Division, based in Kanchanaburi. The Vietnam War Memorial was erected at the entrance to the base. It was not “tucked away” in embarrasment at a mistaken campaign.
4. The Thai people tend to forget most of their wars, not just the one in South Vietnam. Ask any Thai which victory the Victory Monument commemorates. Very few have any idea.
Think of the Royal Thai Army as five things at once – a political party, a business enterprise, a criminal mafia, a social club for generals, and also (because they do have weapons) a fighting force.
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I am curious about the RTA casualty figures and whether these are included in the book. I am also curious about the build up and time line of events leading to the peak number of troops deployed and their eventual withdrawal. In addition, the review doesn’t characterize the deployment: where these active duty, “front line” fighting troops who were deployed against NVA regulars, or where they mostly engaged in pacification of the South Vietnamese countryside? How were they regarded and trusted by their allies? Was the area around the port of Vung Tau and Bien Hoa air base relatively pro-ARVN or a Viet Cong enclave? How did the situation evolve over time from 1967, when most Americans considered the war winnable, until 1972 when it was largely regarded as a lost cause?
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I recall, on one operation in 1968 we had to “relieve” Bear Cat because it was surrounded. It was claimed they could not leave the base by vehicle because of constant enemy activity. When we radioed them that we were within 10 kilometres and to warn all their TAOR patrols we would arrive shortly we were told “We don’t send out TAOR patrols.” If I recall correctly the Operation was called Santa Fe and the only contacts were with local VC and tax collectors.
How there was “enemy activity” is beyond me, the jungle had to have been cleared back from the base at least 2 kilometres. It was a moon-scape. The Vietnamese people we did see were just rubber tappers.
I have never heard of Thai soldiers being part of the “Advisors” or part of the many projects like the “Strategic Hamlet Project”, the only Thais I saw were used as mercenaries/bodyguards.
I think someone is romanticizing.
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Fascinating. I’d like to applaud NM for airing these reviews, which I find very interesting indeed and a welcome respite from the daily diet of Thai politics. The American War was for many years an uncomfortable gap in my knowledge until NM started drawing attention to some of the new books about the war. I recently finished “Hard Men Humble – Vietnam Veterans Who Wouldn’t Come Home” by Jonathan Stevenson. It’s far from academic, but may be of interest to those who like to combine their interest in Vietnam with Thailand, where many (false) myths abound about the post-war lives of former soldiers and CIA agents.
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No kidding. In Buddha’s company really, the Thai army would be a lot less sinful than what it is. Or is it a wrong Buddha?
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KA: I don’t think Craig’s review carries the errors you are suggesting it does. Rather, I think you are looking at different parameters for your statistics.
1. Over the full span of the Vietnam War, Australia ultimately sent more soldiers to fight there than did the Thais. But in 1968-1969, the peak of Australia’s involvement, there were more Thai troops in South Vietnam than Australian. Writing as I am from Thailand, I don’t have the exact numbers in front of me, but if I recall correctly Australia had about 7,000+ troops there to Thailand’s 11,000 in that period. The Thais were the third largest foreign army after the Americans and South Koreans when they put their division in (along with smaller units from the Royal Thai Navy and Royal Thai Air Force).
2. Yes. “Supplanted” is a better description of what happened than “supported.” The Black Panther contingent replaced the Queen’s Cobra unit midway through 1968 following an agreement between the Washington and Bangkok that was hammered out in late 1967.
3. I did characterize Thailand’s Vietnam War Memorial as being largely hidden from public view because was it built in an RTA camp outside of Kanchanaburi’s city district (not in Bangkok or even Lopburi). Few outside of the Royal Thai Army visit it, even though it is not far from a town that attracts many Thai and foreign tourists throughout the year. But I don’t suggest that it ended up there because Thailand’s leadership thought their involvement in the war was a mistake. I do not make that argument in the book, nor does Craig in his review.
4. I concur. When I first came to Thailand in 1988, I did ask many Thai friends what victory did Victory Monument commemorate. Most of my interlocutors were young Thais working in a refugee camp at Phanat Nikhom. Few of them knew for sure, and I never got precisely the same answer twice.
Thank you for the feedback and comments.
Rick Ruth
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Rick Ruth 6: I have not yet read your book, only the review, but may I state the following:
1. At its peak (1968-1970) the Australian commitment to South Vietnam was an infantry brigade and supporting arms and services totalling around 8,000 men, somewhat less than the infantry division deployed by Thailand. Overall, however, more Australians served in South Vietnam than Thais. The claim that “after America and South Korea, Thailand’s military contribution was the third largest of the Free World nations” may have been true for a three-year period, but not overall.
2. I would prefer to say that the Black Panther Division replaced the Queen’s Cobra Regiment in 1968, rather than referring to them using imprecise terms like contingent or unit.
3. Craig described “the official monument to the country’s involvement in the Vietnam War” as “tucked away from public view”. To me that implies “hidden away”. My Thai Army friends describe it as a memorial to the Black Panther Division, erected (quite properly) at the entrance to the base of its successor, the 9th Infantry Division.
4. The Victory Monument in Bangkok commemorates the War to Recover the Lost Territories of December 1940 – January 1941, when Thailand took advantage of French weakness following the German invasion of May 1940 to invade French Indochina and regain the Cambodian provinces of Siem Reap and Battambang and the Lao provinces of Sayaboury and Champassak, which the French had forced Siam to cede in 1907. This transfer of territory was reversed after the Second World War ended. A distant echo of that border dispute can still be heard at Khao Phra Wihan.
I’ve ordered a copy of your book and I look forward to reading it. I hope that in due course you will read a copy of my history of the War to Recover the Lost Territories, which I hope to publish in 2012.
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For KA 7:
1. Again, depending how you frame the statistics — or what period you are looking at — you can make an argument for either the Thais or the Australians as being the third largest foreign force in South Vietnam. One page 1 of my book, I write “At that point [ early 1969], Thailand had the third largest contingent in South Vietnam…”
2. In the book I use the English terms “Queen’s Cobra Regiment” and “Black Panther Division” as part of each unit’s name; however, these terms are not necessarily part of the official Thai names of the units, nor are they always part of the official English translations. The official English translation of the first group, for example, is the Queen’s Cobra Volunteer Unit. But it was so frequently called the Queen’s Cobra Regiment in English that I used that term most often in the book. The initial offer of Thai troops in late 1966 and early 1967 was a force closer to what amounts to a reinforced brigade in the US Army. The doubling of that force part way through 1967 encouraged the use of the term “regiment” in the common English translation albeit not officially in the Thai. And as for the Black Panther Division, part way through the war the RTA asked that the new English translation be “Black Leopard Division” to avoid any confusion with the more famous militant Black Panther Party active in the United States.
3. I don’t argue that it was improper to put it there. But the monument’s location in the RTA camp at Latya in Kanchanaburi is hardly a prominent site for memorial honoring a force that received enormous national attention and praise during the war years. Unlike Bangkok’s Victory Monument — whose form it copies — it is hardly ever viewed by anyone not connected with the RTA. Of the veterans I talked with, many are pleased with its location — they agree that it is in a proper place; this is something I write about in the book. Others feel it could have been put somewhere more visible to the Thai public. These latter veterans wish the subsequent generations were more aware of their service. And I suspect we could argue for a long time about the various shades of meaning implied by “hidden” or “tucked away” to no good conclusion.
4. I look forward to reading your book. I’m glad you are pursuing it. It is a great topic, and one that deserves more attention in Thai historical studies. (Send me your name off list — ruth@usna.edu — and I’ll watch out for your book next year.)
Thanks for the comments.
Best regards.
RR
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Dr. Ruth,
Fantastic and well researched book. Thank you for making it easier for me to learn more about Thai history. My Thai friends are surprised to find topics like this covered in english language.
One mistake to note on page 194. Deer Park was not the location of Buddha’s enlightenment. Deer Park was the location where he first shared the Dharma with his disciples after his enlightenment. The location of the Buddha’s enlightenment is called Bodh Gaya. Deer Park’s importance is no less important for Buddhists/ Buddhism. I would suggest it is more important. The enlightenment of the Buddha was of course the beginning but if he had not shared what he had learned with others there would be no Buddhism.
I am considering doing graduate writing on the role of aviation in maintaining Siamese/ Thai national independance and its role in political power both domestic and international. Upon finalizing and starting the project I would appreciate any imput and advice you could give me with sources of research and help with interpreters in Thailand.
Again, many thanks for writing this book and I hope to see more like it in the future.
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Thanks for the review – it is really valuable to provide comprehensive reviews for such niche topic as this and I appreciate the time and effort it takes writing them.
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Thomas Salazar
Thank you for your comments and feedback. I’m glad that you enjoyed the book. I’m happy to share a few ideas I have about your research topic on Siam/Thailand’s aviation history. Send your email address to me at ruth@usna.edu and I’ll forward those suggestions to you.
And, yes, it is the episode in which the Buddha initially transmits his enlightenment to his followers in a deer park that is important to that section, not the actual moment of enlightenment. I could have been more explicit in pointing out that it is the artistic representation of the famed deer park at Sarnath – the Isipatana – that has generated the deer iconography evident on Thai wat that in turn encouraged these Thai soldiers to link deer with Buddhist sanctity. And, to a lesser degree, the story of the King of the Banyan Deer and other deer-themed stories in the Jataka Tales play a similar role in cementing this connection.
Best regards.
RR
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Here are songs I heard from the ‘Luk Tung’ local radio on the way back to Bangkok from the long weekend recently (I believe I was in Samut Songkhram then) :
“A call from the Thai man” by Suraphon Sombatjaroen :
and “A reply from Vietnam” by La-Ongdao Bunsothon :
I read this review and it reminds me of them.
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Rick,
I read your book. I liked it; I like it more after Craig’s thoughtful review; he shows me virtues that I had overlooked. I liked your emphasis on the internal political meanings of the Thai participation in Vietnam, and I think you made that case well. I also liked hearing Thai soldiers speak for themselves about their motivations and recollections. I liked it, but I was mostly unconvinced. For them I wanted a third party point of view — data on engagements, reports from Vietnamese and American colleagues, people and sources with some claim to empiricism or objectivity. It is reasonable that a study of that sort would be beyond your scope, but I think it’s a necessary next step before we can concluded that what the soldiers say about themselves is an adequate basis for judging them.
With respect to Craig’s suggestions about broadening academic study of the Thai military, what about soldier memoirs? Panlop Pantumetha published a fairly revealing book, it seemed to me, a couple of years ago after the Khrue-Se incident in 2004(?). Are there more like that?
Thanks for the book and the research.
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