Slavoj Žižek is widely acknowledged to be one of the most creative and vibrant inter-disciplinary philosophers today. He has written more than 30 books covering topics ranging from cultural theories and film criticism to political philosophy, theology and psycho-analysis. Some of his more popular and accessible works include Violence: Six Sideways Glances, How To Read Lacan and First As Tragedy, Then As Farce.
This series of articles discusses some ‘principles’ (if they can be called that) extracted from the work of Slavoj Žižek and applies it to Malaysian life. Here’s the first one:
#1. “The way to overcome a problematic scenario is to fully identify with its assumptions and framework”
This is known as traversing (or disturbing) the fantasy. Žižek explains this via the example of three popular movies.
In the bus-thriller Speed (with Keanu Reeves), there’s a scene where a terrorist takes a policeman hostage as part of his attempt to escape. The hero decides to shoot his own colleague in the leg. This makes it virtually impossible for the terrorist to drag the policeman outside, thus completely foiling the terrorist’s plan.
Similarly, in the Mel Gibson movie Ransom, the father of the kidnapped boy radically subverts the kidnappers’ demand by offering millions of dollars for information leading to the rescue of the boy. In some sense, the father had already accepted the loss of his son; his actions, therefore, reflected and generated a complete reversal of the situation, putting the kidnappers on the defensive.
Finally, and most radically, in The Usual Suspects (starring Kevin Spacey), the protagonist when threatened with the murder of his wife and children, proceeds to kill his own family thus removing them from the equation and allowing him total freedom to pursue his enemies.
In all the three cases/movies above, the coordinates of the game were totally changed; the system no longer appeared the same to all involved. This is what Žižek hopes to see in political action – acts that bring about massive systemic crisis and a drastic subversion of the socio-political framework itself.
Another example Žižek mentions is given at the start of Jose Saramago’s book, Blindness, in which during an election a virtual no-show of voters dealt a severe systemic blow to the whole system.
Žižek claims that such an event - a mass rejection of elections which necessitated a reappraisal of the very concept of democratic elections – was ‘more violent’ than what Hitler did with his world wars and genocide which, so Žižek says, was a very busy and active way of ensuring that nothing really changed; the Third Reich embodied, “Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose”, a French phrase oft quoted by Žižek, meaning, “The more things change, the more they remain the same.”
Why?
Because Hitler, instead of addressing deep class antagonisms, chose to (mis)-direct Germany’s problems towards the Jews, homosexuals, Communists and so on.
Yet the movies examples and that of Saramago’s novel point to one key element of political action which Žižek challenges us to: That true ‘acts’ of the Real involve a striking at one’s self, a voluntary (and often desperate) personal sacrifice of what truly matters.
Such actions include the radical faith that in order for something ‘better’ to emerge, even the ‘good’ at present must be vanquished if only because it continually chains to a fantasmic system constituted by and propagating a deception that there is no better system to speak meaningfully of.
These examples also highlight how, perhaps the ultimate way of defeating a bad situation could be, to act as if one completely holds to its fundamental tenets in the hope of thereby exposing the lie or facade of the system itself. This is the obverse of the fact that, according to Žižek, people tend to believe things half-heartedly, ‘from a distance’, at arms’ length and so on. Yet it is precisely such distantiation of belief which keeps us in bondage to the system prescribed by the belief.
Why?
Because the distance deceives us into believing that we’re not really assimilated, thus allowing us to simultaneously continue behaving as if we do believe.
Take the Malaysian education system. Virtually everybody realises and recognises how superficial and unhelpful it is for children to keep working and hunting for the highest number of A-plus’, to continue with memorisation/rote-learning and such.
However, in direct contradiction to these concerns, parents still continue to push their students to score as high as they can in every school examination. The very same parents who say they “no longer believe in the education system” will chasten their children for not performing well within that system.
If pushed, the normal response will be, “Well, I don’t really believe in the system, but unfortunately our culture and industries still rely on it” - in other words, I don’t believe in it but since someone ELSE does, I have no choice!.
This is akin to one of Žižek’s most quoted jokes about the man who believes he’s a seed of grain. He goes to a doctor, gets some medication and a week later the doctor asks him if he still believes he’s a seed of grain. The man says, “No, but the chicken still does!”
The solution – traversing the fantasy – would then involve acting as if the system was 100% correct and without error. So, parents who want to challenge the system of A-accumulation can possibly do the following:
- pull their children out of all activities not related to obtaining an A;
- lobby that all extra-curricular, physical education, moral education and health education be replaced with extra tuition classes;
- perform severe public punishment on their children should they get even 1% less than the score required for an A;
- insist that schools should hire only teachers who have scored a minimum number of As’ in their previous examinations at school or university or at teacher-training colleges, etc…
Crazy and disastrous?
Exactly.
The rationale is to push to the extreme the effects of a system which privileges top marks to the exclusion of thinking, creativity, teamwork and fresh pedagogical approaches.
But back to politics.
Some historical milestones Žižek has considered suggestive of this kind of Real Act include the May ’68 student protests in France, the crucifixion of Jesus Christ (and the founding of the Church), the Bolshevik Revolution, Stalin’s collectivisations, the recent revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia and of course, the French Revolution.
In the Malaysian context then, what could a political act of the Real look like?
What fantasy-belief sustains the political system (which almost every Malaysian condemns)?
What is it that every Malaysian will never say they believe, yet inadvertently determines our behaviour?
Alwyn Lau is a member of Friends in Conversation. He is presently a lecturer in Sociology at KDU University-College and is also pursuing a PhD at Monash University (Malaysia). His research interests include theology, critical theory, political philosophy, psychoanalysis, hot food, misunderstood people and the occasional bad movie.

Hitler was being funded by the US banks. Let’s have a little rigour here if we’re going to throw the Nazis around.
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I used to think the Real was Mahathirism and sustaining/maintaining the idea of another violent race riots a la May 13 should Malaysians speak up against the system, back in the days of Reformasi. But cracks have appeared and it is much more gradual and perhaps has a more long term impact than a radical revolution as we have seen with the Arab Spring — shortlived as it may be in Syria or Bahrain — as envisioned by (romantic?) leftist intellectuals like Zizek. Witness how after the 2008 politial tsunami there were no violent reactions on the streets. Witness how time and time again in the post-Mahathir years religious sentiments were provoked by thuggish behaviour: cow-head, church arson, pig’s head, etc. etc., yet did not trigger so-called ‘race’ riots. I think the rules of the game have changed and this calls for re-imagining what politics can look like in Malaysia on all sides: BN clearly shows a total lack of imagination even while it is clear that the usual tricks of the trade, i.e. race politics, no longer work. At the same time one wonders how effective PKR can be to overcome its own internal issues since it has its share of ex-Umno members, etc..
So to answer your question, “In the Malaysian context then, what could a political act of the Real look like?” I don’t think the answer of not-voting in the next GE for example, is going to be subversive if it means that BN continues to stay in power. Voting isn’t compulsory in Malaysia so the ruling regime isn’t going to worry that the low voter turnout for instance is a reflection of a loss of faith in electoral democracy. It’s not like the PAP in Singapore which would be quite troubled by things like that.
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Your post really does not really jive with the title “Žižek and social change in Malaysia”. I do recognize that this is Part 1 but too much time was spent explaining traversing (or disturbing) the fantasy via the three movies.
1. It would have been more helpful if you correlated Zizek’s philosophy clearly with the type of social action/change needed in Malaysia.
For instance, you cited quoted his reference to political action as “acts that bring about massive systemic crisis and a drastic subversion of the socio-political framework itself.”
2. Now, how would what Zizek’s perception of ‘massive systemic crisis” be seen in Malaysia? You just left that hanging in the air!
3. How would the existing socio-political framework be challenged?
You have not addressed that.
4. You discussed how the virtual no-show of voters dealt a severe systemic blow to the whole system. Good. Now, how does this translate into practical action for Malaysia?
5. In a diversion from the title of this post, you discussed the whole aspect of Malaysian education in a stereotyped manner without relating it to social change.
In fact, the way you discussed it, it would appear that you are implying how things are likely to remain stagnant because of how some parents have caved in to the pressure to conform to the existing system.
It surprises me to know that you are lecturing in Sociology because I would have expected a broader and more mature perspective to the rat race for paper qualifications.
This statement of yours needs to be refuted because you have really OVERGENERALIZED:
“…parents still continue to push their students to score as high as they can in every school examination.
Sadly, you have stated this as a fact as though it applies to 100% of parents. Sorry. It does not! At least not to the enlightened ones! Get your facts right and do not overgeneralize and assume that your stereotype is the gospel truth.
The very same parents who say they “no longer believe in the education system” will chasten their children for not performing well within that system.
Parenting styles are now more dynamic and progressive – a far cry from the stale regimented approach used in the 20th century. Educated ones know that an A in the Malaysian examination is worthless compared to international examination boards! It is a fallacy to think that straight A students who come out of the Malaysian school system can excel in other examinations. A very good example would be the IB and A level exams. You are in education and should know this.
6. Your usage of ‘WILL’ is most disappointing and reflects how shallow is your thinking of Malaysian parents!!!
How sure are you that every single parent WILL do that which you have postulated so fallaciously? I beg to differ!
Following your diversion, you went on to discuss how parents can challenge the system of A-accumulation and then to say ‘Crazy and disastrous?’ with such a high-handed and judgemental tone when your base of analysis is so highly flawed!
7. And then you went on to say “But back to politics.” – A clear indication that you knew you were off-course in your discussion. Surely you can stick to the topic and not lead readers round a mulberry bush and end up feeling frustrated!
Honestly, I am shocked that such an article can be written by a doctoral candidate.
It appears that this is a cut and paste job and I really do not know what is the point you are driving at in your writing.
You made so little reference to MALAYSIA that I am surprised the owner of this blog even featured this article! What a bummer!
In your conclusion, you gave examples of NON-MALAYSIAN historical milestones. Wouldn’t it be better if you gave local examples that can support your thesis statement (if any!!!) and the topic in questions? Sadly, you asked….
In the Malaysian context then, what could a political act of the Real look like?
Tell us!!! Tell us what YOU think!
What fantasy-belief sustains the political system (which almost every Malaysian condemns)?
Are you sure EVERY Malaysian condemns the system????? Have you done a survey that provides you such data? Again -you have exhibited your tendency to overgeneralize.
What is it that every Malaysian will never say they believe yet inadvertently determines our behaviour?
Your last question is also flawed!!!
How sure are you that EVERY MALAYSIAN WILL NEVER SAY THEY BELIEVE??????
Gross overgeneralization of the highest degree!!!!
“yet inadvertently determines OUR behaviour????”
Please check before posting.
Malaysians are not as stupid as you think, OK?
We do think!
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Gaik Cheng, one could view Mahathirism as the introduction (or consolidation?) of a new ‘Law of the Father’ esp given the drives towards modernisation initiated by Dr M. Malaysians, it could be argued, were introduced to a new kind of society, the Malay upper- and middle-classes had their eyes open to the real possibility of economic dominance, all(most) Malaysians began dreaming of unrestrained growth yet, paradoxically, subjected themselves to new masters (and their rules), e.g. the riches-for-justice, growth-for-power trade-off a’la Francis Loh’s views on developmentalism.
Within this paradigm, one could argue that **actual** racial riots would no longer be feasible as even the ruling regime would have more to lose than previously. Recall, though, the more-than-credible thesis that Razak ‘master-minded’ the ’69 riots as a way of usurping power from Tunku: the new class taking over from the old guard (which, justice-wise, is no different from one warlord defeating another).
But with Dr M, we were dealing with a different warlord entirely, one who would reign by coopting the greed of the people (which is not to say they didn’t **exclude** certain parties, cf HINDRAF’s concerns). Yet the proliferation of greed requires a specific kind of system and of all of Capitalism’s many manifestations, the ONE modality in which it cannot sustain itself appears to be internal turmoil. Civil in-fighting is just bad for (global) business.
So, Dr M could represent a new system, a new ‘symbolic order’, thus entail a new Father. This is not to say that the **threat** of racial riots can’t be used; we could think of it like seduction – we don’t need to view a fully nude body to be aroused and often a mere glimpse or suggestion is enough to raise body heat. In fact, oftentimes a 100% nude body (just like full-blown rioting) is a turn-off, if the objective is to keep a partner salivating (always desiring, never beinf satisfied – sounds like Capitalism, no?).
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Keith,
Thanks for the comment. I’m glad so you wrote it because you sound like my boss (who never leave online comments, unfortunately). For your sake, though, I better not stretch the analogy too far because she does admit to being over-emotional and it wouldn’t be accurate to taint you with this, would it?
Zizek’s position on traversing the act politically speaking is, as you’ve explained, open to the charge of being impractical – thanks for highlighting that.
Nevertheless, paradoxically, given the nature of this ‘theory/doctrine’, it would NOT be ‘traversing the fantasy’ **if we could discuss practical options**. This is because traversing the fantasy involves changing/revolutionising(?) what even COUNTS as ‘practical’. Not surprisingly, Zizek has himself chided suggestions to keep things practical, workable and so on because these usually take for granted the continuing operationg of the present system/order, etc.
One example is the Cross of Jesus Christ which all Christians hold to be among the most important acts of God in time, yet **practically** speaking is preposterous. Furthermore, usually it’s this precise event which cause people to be ‘turned off’ by the Christian faith – “What? Worship a naked political rebel nailed to a tree?”
Which brings me to a dimension of the Act that i left out in the article. This is the dimension of subjective engagement i.e. an event is perceived as an Act **only retroactively and from the viewpoint** of someone who’s committed to the ideals resonating in the Act.
Basically, we are NOT talking here about ‘strategizing options’, brain-storming the best way forward, having a mission-plan and so on. I’m not even sure ‘planning’ makes much sense in this viewpoint.
Here one could legitimately raise the question of whether Zizek has thus precluded any possibility of ‘future action’ – which is why the concept of exploding a FANTASY remains critical. If we can’t plan, we can’t discuss options, we can’t strategise, what can we do? One answer Zizek gives, as per the article, is to identity a fantasy and fully identify with it in the hope (never the certainty) that the system can be broken as a result.
One may even argue here that Jesus Christ was doing precisely that on the Cross – he was **taking the fantasy of ethno-centric and power-loving Jews to the extreme**, ‘allowing’ them to crucify God (so to speak).
I know I haven’t quite addressed your specific questions, but I hope you can appreciate how I’m trying to focus on explicating/elaborating Zizek’s views first and maybe raise some questions to think about.
(Note: Your comment also gives the impression of someone easily frustrated with any article which doesn’t fit your 100% criteria for ‘good writing’ and, more importantly, it portrays a kind of impatience / stress / angst about political thinking which, I dunno, could be a part of the problem itself? If nothing else, I pity your “?” and “!” keys…)
As for my meandering around topics and the use of movies, sigh, my Secondary School English teacher is to be blame (but I forgive her). Alternatively, you could think of it as giving expression to Zizek’s dictum that “the truth only appears in the form of fiction” i.e. we can only grasp truths **when they come to us** in less than straight-fwd/linear (or even ‘false’) forms.
To wax Zizekian, maybe it helps to consider a stronger connection between political truth and sexual fantasy – in sexual fantasy, how many “get to the point” immediately? Don’t they “fool around” first?
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Thanks for the (highly rigorous) comment, Charles. So nice to meet another Zizekian – why bother to explain yourself when you can leave people confused and guessing, right?
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Hi Alwyn,
Thanks for your reply. But to continue the conversation, even the ‘threat’ of violence (rather than actual violence) doesn’t quite work anymore as we’ve seen with state sponsored ethonationalist groups like Perkasa and the silat groups who were meant to scare the Bersih 2.0 demonstrators). Might we shift forward to Najib’s era (which of course doesn’t mean that Mahathirism i.e. all the socio- material effects of Mahathir’s policies, no longer pertain)? and speculate or theorise how Najib’s NEM is precisely trying to encourage global business yet simultaneously causes infighting.
As you say “Civil in-fighting is just bad for (global) business”. So will a Zizekian perspective be effective in explaining the current political and economic situation Malaysia is facing?
cheers,
Gaik Cheng
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Gaik Cheng,
On the contrary i think the ‘threat’ of violence DOES work, because BN remains in power(!) [there could be some confusion here, because i gather you read 'work' as in 'helps justice', whereas i was saying that glimmers of '69 helps BN to stay in parliament].
likewise, with PERKASA, PEMBELA, etc. notice how their bark seems louder than their bites? To wax Zizekian, they seem to be ‘holding back’ from full-blown all-out extremism. “cakap aja” as some might say. yet the paradoxical thing is that such half-baked threats function to **keep BN in power** – not actual violence but the threat/talk of it.
as for civil in-fighting, let me emphasize that by in-fighting I meant something like ‘civil war’ – not the heavy words traded in the media, the accusations, the partisan clashes, etc. i meant that global capitalism cannot work if may 1969 actually repeats itself, and thus BN will – whatever else PERKASA says – work to ensure that racial riots will NOT happen. this is not to say that para-BN groups won’t on occasion create trouble and even murder a few people, but Syria-Egypt-kind of upheavels on the streets of KL simply won’t help BN (which is precisely why Zizek **supported** the Arab Spring : it throws a wrench into Capitalism in the process.
and to the extent that Najib is a Capitalist player, to that extent will he (or the system he represents) will continue to play shadow games **as a means of avoiding the Real game**?
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Dear Alwyn
You wrote:
Your comment also gives the impression of someone easily frustrated with any article which doesn’t fit your 100% criteria for ‘good writing’
Well oh well, for one who is supposedly in contact with students, you DO assume a most patronising position.
i) I take offense to your writing because as a lecturer at a private college, you should not be displaying such stereotypical positions.
ii) Sadly, not only do you assume such a high-handed tone, you also lack the grace to acknowledge demonstrating such fallacious perspectives.
iii) I am shocked that you deviated to talking about the cross of Jesus Christ which has nothing to do with the grouses that I highlighted.
Where is the element of objectivity and staying on course with the topic?
Is this how to address concerns raised by those who attend your courses?
iv) And, more importantly, it portrays a kind of impatience / stress / angst about political thinking which, I dunno, could be a part of the problem itself? If nothing else, I pity your “?” and “!” keys…)
I cannot believe that you can give such the above response for all and sundry to see. Bear in mind that :
*made two references (and not particularly complimentary ones) about your boss in your response to by comment – a most unprofessional move and one which is unrelated to the concerns I highlighted so what is your problem? Do you think I am your boss?
*your article is also in The Malaysian Insider
* your biodata and place of employment is clearly stated in websites that featured this article.
I leave you to meditate and pray about the consequences of your irresponsible actions.
v) You seem to have elevated yourself to a deity level in the way you wrote As for my meandering around topics and the use of movies, sigh, my Secondary School English teacher is to be blame (but I forgive her).
FYI, you are scapegoating your English teacher most pathetically.
Secondly, you made TWO serious grammatical errors. It should be:
A) because you sound like my boss (who never leaveS online comments, unfortunately).
B) ‘to be blameD“.
And are you going to blame your SECONDARY English teacher for that or are you going to take on your PRIMARY English teacher this time for that error?
What sort of example are you setting to other students or persons who have the misfortune of chancing upon your comments?
vii) You seem to have an issue sticking to the topic. Why did you go off-track AGAIN with this statement :
To wax Zizekian, maybe it helps to consider a stronger connection between political truth and sexual fantasy – in sexual fantasy, how many “get to the point” immediately? Don’t they “fool around” first?
viii) It is appalling that you, as an educator can state this in black and white : Why bother to explain yourself when you can leave people confused and guessing, right? Is this how you treat students and netizens?
Don’t bother responding. I am NOT going to waste my time to visit this site again to read your drivel!!!!!!!! (Note: Exclamation marks included for emphasis!)
I leave you to face your Maker.
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Keith,
Why the anger and outburst at an article? You could be a little more civil and constructive in commenting on the article, like what Gaik Cheng has done. It seems to me you have a bone to pick with the writer, hence you not only tear the article to pieces, you hit at the writer as well.
That is not a very nice thing to do. Please repent before you meet your maker. How do you like that?
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