There is much to agree with in the recent post on New Mandala, comparing the origins of the Burmese constitution with the origins of the US, Filipino and Indonesian constitutions. Currently, in Thailand, there is strong tussle between the ruling Phuea Thai Party and members of the opposition in their attempts to amend the military-backed constitution written and passed in 2007. In Singapore, a war of words has erupted over the interpretation of a section of the constitution over the need to hold a by-election. This was precipitated by the recent expulsion of an MP from the opposition Worker’s Party over his rumoured sex scandal.
Clearly, constitutions are important documents. Yet, how should we study and think of constitutions from a more analytical perspective, rather than just as words on a piece of paper?
One possibility, among others, is to think of constitutions as a form of “institution” (North and Weingast, 1989). By “institution”, I refer to Douglas North’s (1990) popular definition of “institutions” as “the rules of the game in a society” or “humanly devised constraints that shape human interaction”. From this view, then, the question of how constitutions emerge and change is a subset of the broader question of how institutions emerge and change.
Then, there are at least two perspectives on how institutions emerge and change (and, by extension, constitutions).
First, institutions are the rational choice outcomes of strategic interaction between all the parties involved. The “rules of the game” exist because the actors who play by those self-created rules can win and benefit. Thus, institutions reflect the power and aims of the actors who build them. Institutions can only change via an exogenous shock to the existing power structure, altering the gains that the actors can extract from the institution. Therefore, in this perspective, the Burmese constitution looks exactly the way it is simply because the military that is in power benefits from its current form. Ditto the Thai, or the US, Filipino or Indonesian constitutions. A substantive constitutional change can only occur, if an external shock alters the choices of the actors, thus demanding different “rules” to win and benefit.
Second, another perspective is that institutions are “historical habits”, and are the outcome of historical trajectories. The Singaporean, Malaysian and Burmese constitutions look the way they are because they inherited much from the colonial British. The Thai constitution looks the way it is because of previous constitutions written from earlier periods in Thai history. Here, institutions (and constitutions) exhibit what is usually termed as “path dependence”, and tend to change due to the actions of heroic actors embedded within (or what some scholars refer to as “endogenous change”)(Grief and Laitin, 2004; Mahoney and Thelen, eds, 2010).
These perspectives are two different ways to see and think of rules and constitutions. They are like different spectacles that can illuminate different events at different times. No spectacle is superior to the other. Being aware of these perspectives can surely help us to better make sense of the tussles over “words on a piece of paper” in contemporary mainland Southeast Asia.
***There is another perspective called sociological institutionalism. For a discussion of all three perspectives, see Hall and Taylor (1996). And the image for this post is sourced from here.
Elvin Ong is a candidate for the Masters of Philosophy in Politics (Comparative Government) at St Antony’s College, University of Oxford.

I wonder about the constitutional evolution of Laos, where for sixteen years (1975-1991), there were not even ‘words on a piece of paper’. I suppose the large ‘external shock’ that led to the formulation of a constitution was the collapse of the USSR. I wonder what sort of exogenous shock would be required to alter things now.
Thanks for this piece, it will be good to come back to.
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The US Constitution is probably the most famous and touted, yet US governments have over the years found ways to flaunt or simply ignore it – Federal Reserve, Patriot Act, not declaring wars via Congress etc. Really makes you wonder what good a constitution is when the intentions of the authors are flouted by the corrupt and monied.
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This External Shock theory sound awful like litner The Sky is Falling any minute now/infightings among the generals that the west espouse to start the ongoing useless catreless policy.
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“External Shock” Hmmm,
As if the 30 year of useless careless policy, name calling, denigration constant threats by the the west, all still ongoing, albeit with the flimsiest of the veil of ‘engagement’ approach this time, can not be considered as “The External Shock”.
Brazil, The Phillipines and Indonesia NEVER enjoy the benefit of The West assault just as Myanmar, Cuba and N. Kaorea exclusively did enjoy, neither Castro nor Kim came out unscath, but SG Than Shwe trimuph and the West best hope is that he might died laughing his head off !
China and Brazil grew economicallly out of their respective Miliatry domination.
The military was presented with offeres they can not refuse to divest from economic to be come professional/return to the barracks.
The External Shock of all shock has already comE and gone multiple times.
As evidence of triumphs:
1) Agaisnt all odds move the capital from Yangon to Naypyidaw. Presenting the west with a Myriad of NO WIN situations.
2) Survived the potential calamitous results of “Nargis” with minimal of minimal support.
3) Bringing N. Korea as friend into the equation to be reckon with despite China unswerving protection from The west through UN.
4) Invented the well deserved maligned “THe Seven Steps to DIscipline democracy” that presently driving this debate on the potential, validity and dignity of this present constitution.
As long as the unique situation of Myanmar is not addressed from a Historical perspective, the west and DASSK will be the stooges that the generals play skillfully while the humanity within approach ever closer to the N. Korean citizenry status.
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Thanks, Elvin, for introducing some ‘institutionalist theory’ into the discussion of consitituional change in the region.
Another aspect of the ‘evolutionary’ theory of institutional change, as presented by scholars like Kathleen Thelen, is the high degree of continuity observed during episodes of insitutional change as well as the ongoing and cumulative processes of change that take place during periods of relative stability. It’s important to situate constitutions within an institutional context that is itself subject to processes of both graduate and dramaitic change. That broader institutional context limits the extent to which a formal constitution can generate a static equalibrium and at the same time mitigates the transformative ‘shock’ of constitutional change. These theoretical considerations can help us understand, for example, the resilient patterns of politics in Thailand despite the repeated adoption of new constitutions. In the case of Burma, this ‘path dependency’ perspective might temper optimism for radical transformation, but might also suggest hope for continued processes of gradual change in spite of a deeply flawed constitution.
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