In a NM series he called ‘Starting Points’ Nicholas Farrelly attempted to prompt discussion about countries in Southeast Asia Asia by focusing on individual books, and he chose my Politics of Ritual and Remembrance: Laos Since 1975 (1988) for his ‘Starting points: Laos in 1975’. He kindly remarked that it “is still one of the crucial texts.” But he had “no doubt that even since Evans’ work in the 1990s the conceptualisation of the revolution and its pivotal year has changed significantly. There is still much to say about 1975 and all that.” Indeed, there is.
Oliver Tappe recently asked me if I had considered producing a revised edition of PR&R and I replied that he was doing a pretty good job himself in his various articles. And, I had no wish to. But if I did produce a new edition of this book about social and political memory it would now have a chapter called ‘Forgetting Socialism.’ As I remarked in the original book, by the mid-1990s almost half the Lao population had been born since the fall of the Royal Lao Government and they had no concrete memory of it. Today more-or-less half the population has grown up since the collapse of Stalinist communism around 1990, and they have no memory of restrictions on personal movement and calls to build socialism. There is no examination of this period inside the country and it has become a kind of blank space.
I have, however, revised my Short History of Laos: The Land Inbetween (2002) twice. First, for the editions that were translated into both Lao and Thai and published in 2006. Here the main revision involved splitting the chapter on the Lao PDR into two, with a new chapter called ‘post-socialism.’ The Lao translation did not endear me to at least some people in the foreign ministry and they refused my request for a research visa. Since 2009, however, I have had an expert’s visa through the Lao Institute for Social Sciences. (Short memories again?)
In 2011 a more thoroughly revised edition was published in Chinese by a Shanghai publisher, Orient Publishing Center, called simply Lao History.
In July 2012 the same text, plus or minus, appeared in English, published by Silkworm Books as a ‘Revised edition’. In it I have I tried to incorporate the insights I gleaned from Richard McGregor’s, The Party: The Secret World of Chinese Communism (2010) where he documents the pervasive control and influence of the communist party in China, despite liberalization. Much the same is true in Laos, and it would be nice to think that someone was working on a similar book about the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party.
Indeed, the recent reforms in Myanmar underline the differences between authoritarian and militaristic regimes and Marxist-Leninist ones. Aung Sang Suu Kyi would never have survived in Laos, Vietnam or China. It is something worth examining in depth.
Nicholas Farrelly invites further thoughts on post-1975 Laos, and in my revised edition I do just that in my final paragraph:
When the first edition of this book was written 10 years ago the collapse of global communism in the early 1990s was still fresh in my mind and it was not clear how the remaining socialist states, including Laos, would fare. In 2011 it is clear that they have fared very well, and they are likely to be with us for the next two or three decades. But one must quickly add, they are no longer recognizably socialist, while the one party state has become an instrument for the development of capitalism. People like me who were intellectually formed during the hey-day of the Cold War and at the end of almost a century of competition between revolutionary socialism and liberal democracies were unprepared for the transformation of Marxist-Leninist states into something more mainstream; merely another variant of the many paths that countries globally have taken into the modern world – for better or worse. Countries like Laos still carry baggage from the attempt to build socialism, but bit by bit it is being thrown overboard. The majority of the world’s and Laos’s population born since 1990 do not feel part of some global ideological struggle, but are simply swept along by an imperfect everyday reality. The hegemonic global mantra is ‘development,’ an often vague term promising a better future, and almost anything can be justified just by invoking it. It is a kind of modern magic, and it trumps any other card in the deck, including preservation of ‘a beautiful, ancient Lao culture,’ in the precious phrasing of the Lao Ministry of Information and Culture. Lao hope they can have their cake and eat it too; that they can have rapid all-round development that leaves their culture intact. This, however, is impossible. Lao culture and society is about to change much faster than anyone has anticipated, but just how much will remain of the culture that Lao now find so comforting and foreigners so charming, only time will tell.


“Indeed, the recent reforms in Myanmar underline the differences between authoritarian and militaristic regimes and Marxist-Leninist ones. Aung Sang Suu Kyi would never have survived in Laos, Vietnam or China. ”
True. Being authoritarian without any ideology makes things unpredictable and somewhat flexible at the whim of whoever is in charge. In the earlier days being a wife of British citizen would have helped as the then military isolationists did not know how to deal with her. Being Aung San’s daughter helped as well. But there has been serious attempts to kill her wiht out success for seasoned professional killers. That may simply be fate!
“…The hegemonic global mantra is ‘development,’ an often vague term promising a better future, and almost anything can be justified just by invoking it. It is a kind of modern magic, and it trumps any other card in the deck, including preservation of ‘a beautiful, ancient Lao culture,…”
Nowadays, not just Laos’s, but any culture at all are simply museum pieces. The global consumerism indoctrination is so complete, there is not even a single academic left to argue for preservation of ancient culture which is currently alive and well in Burma simply to disappear in a few years’ time to give way to global consumerism and covetousness as quite rightly pointed out in the name of “development” or most readers of these columns would call increasing GDP and social status indicators none of which include how much family members care for each other.
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Ancient Cultures and their need to be preserved is a question full of ambiguities.
There are Ancient Cultures in many areas of the world, Papua New Guinea, Aboriginal Australia, the Amazon Rain Forest, parts of Africa, whole districts of Afghanistan and Pakistan, many places in Africa, especially well in the interior away from the coasts, not only in Burma’s hinterlands.
Should all of these areas and all of these people live Museum lives so that folks from the cities and the modern world can come and take photos? Like the Masai in Kenya, preserved and put in living zoos. Or the long-necked girls in NW Thailand, enslaved, deformed and rented out for tourists to gawk at.
What about very high rates of child and mother childbirth mortality rates? What about very short life spans? What about living subsistence lives with no cash, no savings, no bank accounts, no access to credit, like almost 50% of the population of Laos?
What about forced marriage at age 10? Public executions without any legal procedures for someone accused of adultery, even falsely accused? What about child labor? Forced clitorectomies?
Who or what committee will sit and decide which bits of Ancient Cultures should be preserved and which bits discarded? And will such a committee be acting in its own class/social position interest or in the interest of the peoples they perceive to be obligated to remain in the Ancient Culture System?
For instance, in Thailand the Ancient Culture Group has been promoting the Sufficiency Economy concept as a way to slow down social change and advancement. More for preserving its own prerogatives, interests and position than looking out for the interests of the vast swath of the population they wish to adopt Sufficiency Economy lives.
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As a tocharian (sic), I admit that “ancient cultures” all face a natural death. It’s just a matter of time scales (Hari Seldon would agree!). Tocharians are long gone as a culture.
Personally, I find the vanishing populations of the Sentinelese and the Onge of the Andaman Islands very fascinating, genetically and linguistically, because they are probably direct descendents of the first wave of human migration out of Africa ( I don’t think the Indian government really cares about these “ancient cultures” that much). The “negritos” must have populated parts of Burma and Southern India and there are probably genetic traces (being born in Burma, I always fancy that I am partly a Sentinelese!). Even this “thanakha-paste” that Burmese women like to put on their faces (I haven’t seen Suu Kyi doing that) is perhaps a legacy of an ancient facial and body painting tradition of the original inhabitants of Burma. Who knows?
Anyway I definitely don’t like the hypocritical modern political exploitation and commercialisation of “Ancient Cultures”. History is often written and rewritten by the “conquerors”, so what is recorded in history is just a “relative truth”, both in time and space.
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Maybe some elements of Loation socialist republicanism need to be preserved to question the embracement of traditional culture by Thai royals
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Hi there:
Laos may no longer recognizably socialist. However young recruits and cadres of the Communist Party of Laos are still being sent for Marxist-Leninist political training in the town of Tha Ngon outside of Vientiane, as well as for political study tours to Vietnam and China.
For the young, talented and ambitious in Laos, as in China, it is my understanding that joining that Party is still the smart move.
What sort of curriculum are they learning there at these political education centers? What are the Party recruits actually taking away from it?
Since the Lao road to socialism clearly would be running through resource-led development, it would be interesting to learn if whether these political training sessions in Marxist-Leninist thought include some kind of analysis of contemporary left academic ecological – Marxism, and whether Lao Party members would be studying about things like the second contradiction of capitalism. (For some reason I rather doubt it however).
For now, something called “The Party: The Secret World of Lao PDR’s Communist Rulers”…. represents a book that waits to be written.
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Beginning of July this year, I went to Vientiane – the second time after my visit 10 years ago. And I was so surprised how much the city has changed. I also met a professor from National University of Laos. He told me also about the rapid development in urban development, like you could not easily give directions, because the buildings couldhave changed already since you were there last time.
Definitely, the ‘socialist’ feeling that was preeminent 10 years ago, was more or less gone this year.
I’ve only been there a short time, so these are just some observations I did.
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